There are moments in life when your spirit aches to step forward, to answer a call that feels deeply rooted in your conscience. For me, that call has always been the desire to be involved in the political and social life of our country — not for power, not for recognition, but simply to serve. To try, in whatever small way, to give back to the land that shaped me and to honour the example of those who came before me.

But the truth is… the past is not always gentle.

The controversial events that touched my family and eventually cast a shadow over my parents’ legacy has never been easy to carry. Their story which was once a story of dedication, sacrifice, and hope became entangled with things far beyond their true character. However although I know the heart they had, and the intentions they lived by, the weight of that history has often felt too heavy, too loud, and too overbearing for anyone genuinely trying to walk a sincere path in public service.

I have spent years wrestling with that inner conflict and the conscience that says “serve” and the reality that says “your family name has already been used, twisted, and misunderstood.” Eventually, I had to accept something difficult that sometimes the world doesn’t allow you to continue a legacy in the same form. Sometimes honouring those who came before you means choosing a different road.

So I have made peace with stepping away from politics and the public space, not out of fear or defeat, but out of clarity. I have decided to direct my energy into other forms of service and  work that still strengthens our communities, empowers our people, and contributes to the socioeconomic development of our beloved Zimbabwe… but without the noise, without the suspicion, and without the political baggage that can suffocate genuine intention.

I believe service is not limited to holding office or speaking on stages. Service can be felt in building families, in farming the land, in creating jobs, in empowering young people, in protecting our history, and in planting seeds of generational wealth and identity.

And that is the journey I am on.

I may not serve in the way many expected, but I am serving in the way that feels most honest to my spirit and most respectful of the complex history I carry. And perhaps, in its own quiet way, this path too will honour my parents and not by repeating their footsteps, but by continuing their values of dignity, purpose, community, and the courage to do good even when no one is clapping.

If my story resonates with anyone carrying the weight of a complicated family past, please  may you also find peace in choosing the path that builds you, not the one that breaks you.

🧐 Who is really fighting corruption, and who is playing politics?

Fellow Zimbabweans, we must ask ourselves when a public figure raises allegations of graft, are they acting out of genuine principle or are they jockeying for advantage in the corridors of power?

Take the case of Themba Mliswa. 

On the one hand, he has long argued that corruption (“zvigananda”) is Zimbabwe’s greatest threat, not sanctions.He publicly accused Minister Marian Chombo and senior security officials of illegal land deals and protected mining syndicates.

On the other hand his recent focus on Vice President Chiwenga and related controversies raises questions:

• He claims that Chiwenga’s anti-corruption crusade is not about national reform but personal vendetta. For example: “From day one I argued that the VP’s move was steeped in politics and a revenge move rather than actually fighting corruption.”

• He accused Chiwenga of being influenced by his wife, and of overestimating his influence in the military. 

• He publicly declared that businessman Kudakwashe Tagwirei is President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s natural successor thereby implicitly dismissing Chiwenga’s chances. 

If we map the action:

1. Chiwenga positions himself publicly as a “clean-up” figure, targeting cartels and contracting scandals (which is admirable in principle).

2. Mliswa attacks Chiwenga’s moral authority, questions the motives behind specific actions, and emphasises that no one in the political elite is untainted. (True, but the selective focus is telling.)

3. Meanwhile, the succession struggle inside the ruling party (ZANU-PF) looms large as the public ask themselves "who will be next?" "Whose faction will prevail?"

This raises a critical question that "Is Mliswa acting as a whistle-blower or as a strategist in a succession game?"

Let me highlight three red flags for us to consider:

 Selective targeting – Mliswa goes hard on Chiwenga, but does he do the same to all major power players? He supports some figures (Tagwirei) and critiques others (Chiwenga). That differential suggests more than impartial moral outrage. 

 Personalisation of anti-corruption – The narrative sticks to one individual (Chiwenga) being “the problem”, rather than systemic reform. For instance: Mliswa says: “The fight against corruption should not be weaponised as a political gadget against rivals.” 

Coordinated media messaging – While less directly verifiable, observers note how online news channels are amplifying discord within ZANU-PF and focusing heavily on this internal feud. A well-timed commentary like “the mirage of power” on Mliswa’s attacks suggests a broader campaign. 

So what does this mean for the rest of us?

• If the agenda is genuine national reform, we should see an inclusive, transparent campaign across the board but not a one-man (or one-figure) spotlight.

• If the agenda is factional, we end up with a theatre of “anti-corruption” used as a tool to sideline rivals, while the system remains untouched.

• Real accountability demands strong institutions not just personalities pointing fingers. As Mliswa himself said: “Corruption is a national problem … cannot be hijacked for a few political points.” 

In conclusion: 

Yes, we must applaud any citizen willing to speak truth to power. But we must also remain vigilant. When the truth is wielded as a weapon in a power struggle, we risk trading one elite capture for another.

So the question we ask ourselves: "Is Themba Mliswa exposing corruption or is he playing politics with a different aim?"

Let us stay focused on principle, institution, and reform rather than personality, faction, and spectacle.

#Zimbabwe #Corruption #Accountability #ZANUPF

If Only the Universe Knew

Sipho N Banana aka Voice of Freedom

If only the universe knew

how hard I’ve been trying

how much faith I’ve poured into each sunrise,

how I keep speaking light into dark days,

even when the silence feels heavier than hope.

Sometimes I wonder

if my prayers get lost between the clouds,

or if the universe is just waiting

for me to learn something deeper

than what comfort could ever teach.

Coming back home (Zimbabwe )has been

both grounding and humbling.

Zimbabwe a land of beauty and burden

teaches you patience the hard way.

It tests your will, your faith, your belief

that effort still matters when results feel so far away.

But I’ve learned

that the soil doesn’t forget the seed,

even when the rain delays.

The universe moves in rhythms we can’t always hear

it answers in silence,

it builds in stillness,

and sometimes, it blesses us through endurance.

So I keep breathing hope into each moment,

trusting that one day my efforts will echo back as answered prayers.

And when that day comes,

I’ll look back on this season of struggle

and finally understand

the universe was never ignoring me but

it was preparing me.

I’m still here, still believing, still becoming.

Beyond Politics: Building the Zimbabwe We Deserve

A Zimbabwe for All

It has become painfully clear that the kind of politics we have today in Zimbabwe does not serve the interests of the majority. Instead, it benefits a small circle that survives by singing praises to politicians who have placed self-interest and party preservation above the needs of the people.

We can no longer expect a fair democracy from a system where almost every state institution has been politicized and captured to protect the powerful. The time has come for us to shift our energy from hoping politicians will save us, to empowering ourselves and each other.

Let’s start focusing on economic empowerment initiatives and strategic networks that strengthen our capacity to grow, trade, create, and innovate together. Through unity, skill-sharing, and collaboration, we can build strong foundations that make us less dependent on a failing political system.

At the same time, we must continue to demand accountability and transparency in how public resources and services are managed. Our voices, when organized and focused, can become powerful tools for change.

Real transformation won’t come from those who broke the system but it will come from citizens who refuse to be broken by it.

Let’s rise, rebuild, and take charge of the Zimbabwe we all deserve.

Remembering the Zimbabwe That Once Was

This image captures a moment from the early days of our independence, a time when hope was fresh, ideals were high, and the dream of a united, corruption-free Zimbabwe still felt within reach.

In the photo stands President Canaan Banana, our first Head of State who is often remembered as a “ceremonial” figure, yet symbolically carrying the weight of a nation being reborn. His calm dignity represented a different kind of leadership, one rooted in faith, unity, and reconciliation, before the struggles for absolute power overshadowed the vision of national service.

Looking back, one can’t help but wonder…what if we had built on that foundation of humility and collective purpose? What if leadership had remained about service, not self-enrichment?

Today, as corruption and state capture have taken deep root, perhaps it is time we revisit those early ideals when leadership meant stewardship, not ownership and when power meant responsibility, not privilege.

Zimbabwe’s rebirth was once a moral and spiritual project. Maybe that’s what we’ve lost… and what we must find again.

The Forgotten Leadership Code (1984)

 

Back in August 8–13, 1984, at ZANU PF’s Second People’s Congress, the party adopted what was called the Leadership Code.

It was a bold and well-thought-out policy designed to keep leaders humble, disciplined, and connected to the people. Among its conditions were:

• No leader could own more than one house.

• No leader could hold land exceeding 50 acres.

• Leaders were barred from owning or running private businesses for profit.

• Only one salary was allowed, and outside income was tightly restricted.

• Leaders were expected to regularly disclose their assets to ensure transparency.

One of the few leaders who genuinely respected this Code was Zimbabwe’s first President, Canaan Banana. He donated and converted a farm he had bought into an Agricultural College, aligning with the spirit of the Code and in preparation for the country’s long-term land reform program. That act showed that discipline and selflessness were possible.

Imagine if the rest of the leadership had followed suit:

✅ Zimbabwe would have been spared the rise of a political elite hoarding farms, mansions, and businesses.

✅ Leadership would have been measured by service, not wealth.

✅ Corruption and patronage networks would have been much weaker.

✅ Political culture today would be rooted in accountability and fairness, not entitlement and excess.

The Leadership Code failed not because it was a bad idea, but because most leaders lacked the discipline to live by its principles.

Forty years later, we live in the consequences: widening inequality, a ruling class detached from ordinary citizens, and a political culture where power means privilege, not responsibility.

It makes you wonder what would Zimbabwe look like today if the spirit of 1984’s Leadership Code, embodied by leaders like Canaan Banana, had survived?

Zimfest UK and the Politics of Distraction: When a Nation Majors on the Minor

 

Zimfest UK and the Politics of Distraction: When a Nation Majors on the Minor

By Sipho N Banana

As Zimbabweans lit up social media this past weekend, you’d be forgiven for thinking something monumental had happened on the political front but perhaps a major corruption scandal exposed, a citizens’ victory in court, or a mass mobilization of the diaspora demanding change back home. But no. The firestorm was over outfits, artists, social snubs, and champagne tables at Zimfest UK 2025.

Once again, we witnessed what has become a troubling national pattern, the Zimbabwean tendency to major on minor issues.

It’s not that culture doesn’t matter. Music, fashion, celebration are vital expressions of identity and community. But when these take centre stage at the expense of deeper reflection on Zimbabwe’s ongoing collapse and when they become the only things we argue about it reveals something tragic. A people emotionally exhausted, politically repressed, and subconsciously distracting themselves from the pain of a broken nation.

Zimfest as a Mirror

Zimfest, in its ideal form, should be a space where the diaspora reconnects, networks, and shares not only joy but purpose. Instead, it has increasingly become a stage where classism, celebrity culture, and shallow rivalries take the spotlight and while real issues are ignored.

Few conversations trended about Zimbabwe’s:

91% youth unemployment,

Broken healthcare systems,

2023 rigged elections and a captured judiciary,

Civil servants earning starvation wages,

Ongoing abductions and silencing of dissent.

The irony? Many at Zimfest are directly impacted. They live abroad not just for opportunity, but because Zimbabwe pushed them out through bad governance, economic mismanagement, and state brutality. Yet faced with this reality, some in the diaspora have chosen to escape into performance, clout, and consumerism and safely far from the tear gas, but also far from the truth.

Why We Major on Minor Things

This isn’t unique to Zimfest. It’s a reflection of the broader Zimbabwean condition.

Survival mode has consumed our people for so long that long-term thinking and civic awareness have eroded.

The education system, hijacked by propaganda and patronage, has discouraged critical thinking and produced a generation more fluent in slogans than strategy.

Fear of repression at home and in the diaspora means people avoid hard conversations.

And now, with social media amplifying outrage over substance, many opt for viral distraction over civic engagement.

This isn’t a moral failure of individuals. It is a systemic failure of a nation betrayed. We’ve been taught to laugh so we don’t cry. To fight each other over nothing, rather than fight power over everything.

A Challenge to the Diaspora

The Zimbabwean diaspora is one of the most educated, talented, and resourceful communities in the world. But our impact is blunted when we fall into the same cycle of majoring on the minor.

What if Zimfest became more than just a party?

What if, alongside the music and dance, it created spaces for dialogue?

What if it hosted panels on youth unemployment, corruption, women's rights, land reform, or media freedom?

What if it raised funds not just for event production but for civil society, legal aid, education, or independent journalism?

What if we dressed well and thought deeper?

Conclusion: From Vibes to Vision

Zimfest UK could be a model for a conscious diaspora. One that celebrates our culture while confronting our crisis. One that uses joy not to escape but to energize.

Zimbabwe needs more than DJs and designers. It needs dreamers and doers. And until we, as Zimbabweans, stop majoring on the minor, we risk becoming entertainers at our own funeral.

We can do better. We must.

A Legacy of Sacrifice: Detention at Wha Wha Prison

 

Late former Zimbabwe President Canaan Sodindo Banana.

My late father, Canaan Banana, Zimbabwe’s first President at Independence, was more than just a ceremonial head of state. Before independence, he was detained at Wha Wha Prison (Prison Number 188/78), where he sat alongside many of the country’s most prominent nationalist leaders which is a profound testament to his courage and resilience.

Sharing the Cell with Liberation Icons

Despite its reputation as a camp for colonial repression, Wha Wha Prison became a crucible for the liberation struggle housing many of Zimbabwe’s most revered freedom fighters:

• Robert Gabriel Mugabe, later Zimbabwe’s first post-independence executive President, was detained under prison number 176/64 at Wha Wha before being transferred elsewhere.

• Dr Joshua Mqabuko Nkomo, founder of ZAPU and the revered “Father Zimbabwe,” spent time at Wha Wha before being moved to Gonakudzingwa.

• Leopold Takawira, ZAPU’s External Secretary and later ZANU Vice-President, was detained and tortured in Wha Wha and other camps; he later died from injuries sustained in detention.

• Josiah Mushore Chinamano and his wife Ruth Chinamano, both prominent ZAPU leaders, were imprisoned at Wha Wha until 1970 before suffering travel restrictions upon release.

• Jane Lungile Ngwenya, a stalwart of the struggle and later ZAPU women’s leader, was detained at Wha Wha from 1964 to 1970 and became part of an internal detainee governance system focused on education and political strategy.

• Others who shared this crucible included Enos Nkala, Sydney Malunga, Fletcher Dulini Ncube, Mark Nziramasanga, Robert Mubayiwa Marere, Rido Mpofu, Chenjerai Hunzvi, and Naison Khutshwekhaya Ndlovu and all detainees whose stories of defiance varied but who shared the same spirit of resistance.

Why This Matters

When detractors describe my father’s role as purely ceremonial, they ignore the reality of sacrifice, strategic thought, and sacrifice behind those cell bars. Being labeled “ceremonial” cannot obscure the fact that he and the men and women detained with him risked their freedom, families, and lives for Zimbabwe’s liberation.

The struggle wasn’t just fought in the bush; it was fought in places like Wha Wha where political prisoners transformed detention into a political university. There, they educated one another, developed governance frameworks, and preserved unity across party lines even in the most adverse conditions.

The Courage Behind the History

My father shared space with leaders who went on to shape the nation, not as ceremonial heads, but as visionary actors of change. Many of them paid a high personal price. Yet today, more than 40 years after independence, some of those same systems and laws he opposed are still being wielded to oppress citizens.

That history is not something to romanticize uncritically, but neither should it be dismissed. It’s upon that legacy of real sacrifice and conviction that we assess our present, and chart a better future.

Conclusively

That said, we can no longer afford to romanticize the past. 

Over 40 years after independence, many of the struggles we now face are not the remnants of colonialism, but the result of poor leadership from some of the very liberators who once promised us freedom. The painful truth is they have become the gatekeepers of the same oppressive systems they fought against.

And after all this time, it’s now clear we cannot expect ZANU PF to reform. The party has mutated into a system of governance that closely resembles an organized criminal enterprise and one that maintains power through fear, repression, and manipulation. It uses inherited colonial laws not to liberate, but to silence and punish its own people.

As his son, I wish I could follow in my father’s political footsteps with pride. However I can’t do so blindly, because this is no longer the party that gave birth to Zimbabwe. What exists today is a far cry from the vision of inclusive liberation.

For me real patriotism today means choosing truth over nostalgia, and justice over loyalty to broken systems. Such unkind truths often come with reprisals.However despite the risks, I still hold onto hope that freedom of speech has a place in our beloved Zimbabwe regardless of the harsh socioeconomic and political conditions we face.

Without space for truth, there can be no healing. Without dialogue, no real progress.

"Freedom of Speech, But Not Freedom After Speech: The Cost of Truth in Zimbabwe"

 

 "Zimbabwe’s crisis has evolved beyond stolen votes to stolen livelihoods where poverty is no longer a byproduct of bad governance, but a deliberate tool wielded by a privileged few to choke dissent, starve democracy, and turn economic survival into political submission."

To be honest, for many people, economic and political justice in Zimbabwe feels less like a dream deferred and more like a dream deliberately denied. Decades of broken promises, rigged elections, rampant corruption, and economic collapse have hollowed out hope. When the cost of living rises daily while leaders enrich themselves, and when elections become rituals without accountability, it’s easy to feel that justice is reserved for the powerful, not the people.

But is it impossible? No, not if people continue to organize, speak out, and refuse to accept the status quo as permanent. Across history, systems that seemed untouchable eventually shifted because ordinary people didn’t give up. It may feel slow, painful, and costly and yes, the path is uncertain but the dream only becomes impossible when people stop believing in it and stop acting on it.

Justice in Zimbabwe might not come from the top down but it will likely be built from the ground up: in communities, through solidarity, through civic education, strategic pressure, and unified resistance. It requires a long view, but also bold and present action.

So no, it’s not impossible. But it’s also not automatic. It will demand more than just outrage it will take strategy, unity, sacrifice, and deep vision.

It takes immense courage to speak the truth in Zimbabwe. Yes, the Constitution may promise freedom of expression but in reality, that freedom often ends the moment you exercise it. The powerful still control the levers of state, and they can silence, punish, or destroy lives with impunity. So while speech may be "free," freedom after speech is never guaranteed.

This is the harsh reality faced by many Zimbabweans today. 

Still, we must be honest: this struggle is not safe. Those who challenge authority risk losing everything. Jobs can disappear. Reputations can be destroyed. Lives can be made unbearable. How can one feel truly free in an environment where repressive measures can be applied so casually, so mercilessly?

The answer is complex, but it starts with naming the fear and refusing to let it rule us. Above all, it will take the courage to speak, even when the cost is high.Because the dream of justice only dies when we stop believing in it and stop fighting for it.

Is ZANU PF Destroying the Old to Build the New? A Critical Look at Zimbabwe’s Governance Trajectory

 

Is ZANU PF Destroying the Old to Build the New? A Critical Look at Zimbabwe’s Governance Trajectory

In the evolving landscape of Zimbabwean politics, a concerning pattern has emerged. One that suggests the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF) may be pursuing a strategy of dismantling old systems under the pretext of building something new.

While this strategy is not codified in any official policy, the practical evidence points to a calculated transformation of Zimbabwe’s political and institutional architecture. What we are witnessing may not simply be change but upheaval.

The Dismantling of Institutional Foundations

Over the past several years, ZANU PF has overseen the systematic erosion of key institutional pillars:

Land Tenure Systems: 

The recalibration of land ownership, including the controversial issuance of new title deeds, has raised alarm. Critics view this as an attempt to reassert control over land allocation and usage and a move that benefits political loyalty over justice and equity.

Local Government Autonomy: 

Longstanding frameworks that granted local authorities a degree of independence are being weakened. Centralized control is reasserted through opaque appointment mechanisms, budgetary constraints, and political interference.

Civil Service Neutrality: 

Once envisioned as an apolitical organ of the state, the civil service is increasingly viewed as a politicized extension of the ruling party, where appointments and promotions are often aligned with political allegiance rather than merit or professional competence.

These changes are rarely framed as erosions of democratic norms. Instead, they are marketed as steps toward national renewal under catchy slogans like “Vision 2030,” the “Second Republic,” or “economic empowerment.”

Reform or Reinvention of Control?

At first glance, these initiatives might suggest progressive reform. However, beneath the rhetoric lies a troubling trend: 

• Consolidation of power and deepening political patronage.
• Transparency has declined, with decision-making processes increasingly shrouded in secrecy.
• Elite enrichment has accelerated, as access to resources and opportunities becomes concentrated among those within or aligned with the ruling elite.
• Democratic processes, including elections and public consultations, are sidelined or manipulated to give a veneer of legitimacy to what critics describe as authoritarian maneuvers.

This is not reform in the democratic sense. Rather, it appears to be a strategic demolition of previous checks and balances clearing the way not for people-centered governance, but for regime entrenchment.

The Pattern Is Unmistakable

What makes this moment especially consequential is the intentionality of these shifts. Whether by design or consequence, ZANU PF’s governance has resulted in:

• The dismantling of old, decentralized, and independent systems;
• The creation of new, centralized structures of control;
• The reframing of authoritarian practices as visionary progress.

This approach echoes the adage: “Destroy the old so that the new may be born.” But the critical question becomes "what kind of “new” is being born?".

A Call for National Introspection

Zimbabwe stands at a crossroads. The promise of a renewed republic is weighed down by the growing reality of captured institutions and diminished democratic space. The question facing every citizen is no longer simply about party loyalty or political ideology. It is about the soul of the nation.

Are we witnessing a genuine national rebirth, or a descent into deeper authoritarianism? Are these structural changes laying the foundation for an inclusive, equitable future or entrenching a legacy of elite control? Only an informed, active, and courageous citizenry can answer that and act accordingly.

Join the conversation. Stay informed. Speak out. Zimbabwe’s future depends not only on those who govern, but on those who dare to hold power accountable.

The true life struggles of the Banana children

 

Michael Thabo (RIP), Nobuhle, Martin Mhambi , Nathan Sipho (Liverpool, U.K)

Life in Rhodesia

I guess our journey really started in the 70's when the family first migrated out of Rhodesia to the United States of America where our late father former President Canaan Banana was pursuing his academic studies in Washington D.C.

99 New Luveve before migration to America

 As a Reverend our dad travelled a lot around   the country most likely part reason we were all   born in different Cities. My brother in Wankie   (now Hwange), my self in Fort Victoria (now   Masvingo), my younger brother in Bulawayo   and the youngest my sister after independence   in Harare.

 On reflection these journey's across cities and   countries would remain significant events in our   lives even as young adults. Later in my article   you will see how these travels might have   affected our mental health and shaped what led   to some of our life challenges.

Person of Public Interest

Our family in New Luveve after returning from America

 I suppose when anyone is a person of public   interest like a preacher or politician they have   to try find a way to have a work life balance   otherwise their family will miss out on quality     moments to bond with them as a parent  and husband.

 

 I can only speak for myself but most likely my   brothers and sister might have felt the same   way, we never really got to know our father as a   dad because of his seemingly busy working   schedule and his love of his people. Our mum   basically performed both roles quite effeciently   and perhaps due to the strong extended family   network structure at the time also helped her   overcome some of the challenges that many   single mothers faced even though in her case   she was a married mother with a very busy   husband.

Zimbabwe Independence 1980

The arrival of independece in Zimbabwe did not help change the family conditions that we experienced pre-independence, truly speaking it actually worsened them as our father was no longer just ours alone but a stately father figure whom every citizen looked upto and respected as a Head of State. The only times we had to have conversations with him was at the dinner table but that environment was also quite intimidating as it was a long table where we sat at a distance from the Head of table and obviously table manners had to be adhered to also to English standards.

Small breakfast table in one of the sitting rooms Martin & mum eating.

I personally tried disrupting the process by hanging around out of normal working ours activities where my father would be involved in football training and on some weekends during off season also jump into the motorcade to go fishing with him and during football season also attend some of the matches with him, but in all these events there was no close conversations as he would be focused on communicating with the players and coaches or Statehouse staff in the case of fishing trips. 

Let me point out that my reflections directed at him are in no way an attempt to taint his positive contributions to society as a leader but to give you the reader perspective in terms of helping you appreciate some of the challenges faced by children of prominent individuals in society in terms of their relationships with their parents. Please also take note that my story might not be the same as the stories of other children in similar situations.

The Cost of Ego: How Zimbabwe’s Fragmented Opposition Keeps Power in ZANU-PF’s Hands

 

By: Sipho N Banana 

Zimbabwe’s democratic struggle is being held hostage not by ZANU-PF alone, but by the opposition’s refusal to make strategic compromises. 

 Our opposition landscape today is littered with splinter parties, each carrying a banner of hope, each believing it has the key to salvation and yet collectively, they fail to move the needle of change. Why? Because we have mistaken going it alone for political strength, and in doing so, we’ve handed ZANU-PF victory after victory on a silver platter. 

 The idea of working together in Zimbabwean politics is too often misunderstood. For some, it means merging parties. For others, it means compromising core values. But that is a narrow and self-defeating view. Collaboration does not have to mean surrendering identity but it means building a unified front capable of achieving shared goals. It means putting Zimbabwe first, not party logos. 

 The Pitfalls of Fragmentation 

 In the 2018 elections, over 20 opposition parties contested the presidency. Many of them knew they had no realistic path to State House, yet they fielded candidates anyway. What followed was a familiar outcome: ZANU-PF maintained power, not because it had overwhelming support, but because the opposition had once again diluted itself to the point of irrelevance. Had even half of those parties chosen to support a single credible candidate, we might be living in a different Zimbabwe today. In 2023, the story repeated itself. Smaller parties, many barely known beyond a few districts, insisted on participating “independently.” The result was predictable: they split the protest vote, gave legitimacy to a flawed election, and further confused the electorate. Voters were left asking ... who really represents us? 

 Meanwhile, the ruling party used this confusion to tighten its grip. This obsession with individuality and the desire to wear one’s own colours, speak from one’s own podium, and claim credit for imagined victories has reduced the influence of many political parties to that of pressure groups. They make noise, issue statements, march when permitted but they cannot shift power. Why? Because real power in politics comes from numbers, strategy, and unity.

 Strategic Partnership ≠ Merger 

 Let’s be clear: no one is saying every political party must dissolve into another. But collaboration doesn’t require a merger. It requires a shared agenda, coordinated action, and the maturity to know when to lead and when to support. Political coalitions elsewhere in Africa such as Kenya’s 2002 National Rainbow Coalition or Malawi’s 2020 Tonse Alliance succeeded not because everyone became one party, but because they recognised the moment demanded unity above ego. Zimbabwe’s opposition must learn the same lesson. It must stop operating as a collection of competing brands and start acting like a movement. 

That doesn’t mean pretending we all agree on everything. It means agreeing on what matters most ending authoritarian rule, restoring the dignity of our people, and creating a democratic state that works for all. 

 The Way Forward 

 To move forward, opposition parties must: 

 1. Create platforms for dialogue and trust-building among themselves, not just in election years, but permanently. 

 2. Develop shared strategies for engagement, including joint rallies, coordinated messaging, and protection of each other’s political space. 

 3. Stop prioritizing publicity over purpose. Just because your logo isn’t in front doesn’t mean your work doesn’t matter. 

 4. Involve civil society and independent voices in fostering unity, offering neutral ground for building coalitions that are more than just election pacts.

 

 Conclusion: 

 Unity is Not Weakness The real threat to ZANU-PF is not any single opposition leader. It is a united movement that refuses to be divided by small ambitions. Zimbabweans are hungry for change they are desperate for leaders who show not only courage but wisdom and humility. 

 Until opposition parties learn to compromise strategically, their noble intentions will keep being buried under the weight of their own egos. The time has come to move from fragmentation to formation not necessarily of one party, but of one purpose. Because if we do not come together, we will keep coming apart and ZANU-PF will remain the only one smiling.

Reflections on the state of Zimbabwe on the Memorial Day of late President Banana

 

 (5 March 1936 – 10 November 2003)

It didn’t matter whether we met often or not, what mattered is that your advice helped me connect my life’s dots. It didn’t matter whether we spoke every day or not, what mattered was that you loved me a lot. Dad, I miss you.RIP

The 10th of November is my late father's Memorial.

My father was a member of Zanu PF who volunteered to step down from office before the end of his second Presidential term after the signing of the Unity Accord on December 22 1987 to facilitate peace and unity between the two liberation political parties Zapu and Zanu that were embroiled in a bitter struggle for power.


This emanated from the dissident insurgency in Matabeleland and Midlands and the subsequent deployment of the dreaded North Korean trained 5th Brigade to quell the conflict. Sadly the indiscriminate use of force even on unarmed innocent civilians led to the infamous Gukurahundi resulting in the senseless killing of thousands of innocent civilians across Matabeleland and the Midlands areas. This should provide context to the idea of the Unity Accord which led to an end in these hostilities.

My personal take on the Unity Accord is that it was a political strategy by Robert Mugabe and Zanu to consolidate power seeing that Zapu was a formidable opposition party, with a similar liberation war background and strong national structures. In spite of the 1987 Unity Accord being seen as a major achievement in ending the so called 'moment of madness' (Gukurahundi), I believe it mainly benefited the top leadership of Zapu whilst leaving the people from the region victims of the new system of government.

There is indeed some hope for national unity with the recently announced Road Map Manual on the Gukurahundi community engagement process led by Chiefs. It is however encouraging to see the new President, Emmerson Mnangagwa, taking this very bold step to move past our historical differences and work towards bringing equality, justice and peace for all. I think it is of utmost importance for Zimbabweans to make every effort to try and resolve some of these outstanding issues on their own without external interference.

 

While I appreciate and respect the sacrifices made by my parents and many others towards the liberation of Zimbabwe, 42 years have passed since Zimbabwean attained its independence and I now find it a bit monotonous and patronising for some of those in positions of power to continue using those liberation efforts as justification to remain in power and control of a nation that could have done better.

The most disappointing aspect in all this, is our failure as people of Zimbabwe to come together and play our part in both national development and the fight against what has now become open abuse of power and privilege by some elements in government who have access to resources to pursue self-interests. Corruption needs to be dealt with firmly otherwise all the well-intentioned economic development initiatives will not trickle down to benefit the many disenfranchised citizens of our once great Zimbabwe.

Each of us, in our little circles of influence, has the ability to create our unique comfort zones. I wake up each morning exploring ways to make a living and continue to explore ways to unleash my full potential without worrying about what the person next to me thinks. What is FREEDOM when that freedom has conditions and limitations to what one can do? Is the love for one's country of origin taboo? Should we be punished and stripped of our dignity for demanding that freedom and justice? Why have so many of us become so selfish and uncaring about where we come from?

There can never be a right time as time waits for no human being, our time is now and we must stop being critics from a distance but constructive critics who are also practically involved in offering alternative solutions. We can't cry about foreigners grabbing all the lucrative economic opportunities at our door steps when we now have the relevant qualifications, experience and knowledge to equally take on those opportunities. We need to move away from individualism and start working as a collective of patriotic citizens pursuing a  common national vision that can improve our way of life.

If I could change the world alone I could, but I am not naive and know that the only and realistic way to change our environment is when we all come together in our diversity and stand up for the greater good. The liberation of Zimbabwe did not end in 1980 with political independence. As I see it, the struggle for economic empowerment of the many should intensify, we have to step up and make uncomfortable choices and sacrifices if we truly love and believe in human progression in our collective journeys as citizens belonging and wanting the best for our beloved nation.

"I write in my individual capacity as an advocate for the empowerment of Africans globally. I strongly believe in Afrocentric approaches and a desparate need to decolonise our education system but use the positive tools from colonial influences to innovate and acome up with value systems that serve African interests best."

Generation 50

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My Generation Personal Reflection

Most of my generation [Generation 50] were too trusting of the generation before us (my father's generation), so much that we left the role of leading our country all in their hands out of respect for their efforts in the liberation struggle. This was also as a general principle of respect for elders which is a strong characteristic of African value systems which made it difficult to challenge their decisions as one may have been viewed as a rebel or lost cause.

The trust based on their colonial conquest milestone which has unfortunately left most of us divided, under resourced and almost toothless to take over and clean up the mess they have created largely because of the influence of the partisan nature our politics has been modelled. I believe this partisan model has created a very toxic business and political environment where ordinary citizens seem more focused on our minor differences than the more positives that could be harnessed in pursuit of common interests.

My awakening to the reality of the rot in our socio political and economic environment was unveiled to me during my 2018 political campaign that I lost as a result of several factors, partly which were based on a poor strategy based on a very short and under resourced political campaign to other factors like lack of access to media platforms like Newspapers, Radio and T.V that seemed to favour the more established political platforms and leaders. In spite of the unsuccessful campaign, I still wanted to find other ways of giving back to the country that helped start my journey of life and therefore decided to extend my stay in Zimbabwe from both a business and community projects approach perspective.

It will be incorrect for me to claim to have all the answers to all the issues that Zimbabweans are facing right now, however that does not mean that I can't start doing something positive about fixing just one of those many issues where I feel change is needed. Change is a process and normally may not reflect immediately or in one's life time but be of benefit to future generations..

I am not sure why some of our elder members of society are hanging on to roles in both public and private institutions that should in progressive societies be retired and allow opportunity for the next generation to take over. Could it be because not enough has been done to groom future leaders and prepare them for those high profile responsibilities that come with national leadership? Or perhaps not much value has been placed on other roles and functions of society to an extent we even have some highly qualified professional who would better serve our nation in their professional capacities in the private sector but choose to be political aspirants or public servants because corruption has made it look more lucrative.

Our politics has become a lucrative opportunity for most professionals because of the deep rooted corruption that now exists in our public institutions that clearly lack transparent systems for accountability. However with the right leadership mindset and will power I do believe Zimbabweans can make every role in society attractive and more appealing if we start promoting a leadership culture that builds and leads our society guided by strong moral values and principles of servitude.

In short we need better and more responsible leaders with integrity in all our public and private institutions who have people interest at heart rather than self interest and greed. This is however not a solution that could be implemented overnight but one we can start working on building now so it benefits for future generations.

Yes We Can, together in our diversity of backgrounds and experiences.

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Reflections of subconsciously living with Mental Health

Meet the Banana brothers aka O'Ncube

"In many ways, mental health is just like physical health: everybody has it and we need to take care of it .

Good mental health means being generally able to think, feel and react in the ways that you need and want to live your life. But if you go through a period of poor mental health you might find the ways you're frequently thinking, feeling or reacting become difficult, or even impossible, to cope with. This can feel just as bad as a physical illness, or even worse .

Mental health problems affect around one in four people in any given year. They range from common problems, such as depression and anxiety, to rarer problems such as schizophrenia and bipolar disorder.

Experiencing a mental health problem is often upsetting, confusing and frightening – particularly at first. If you become unwell, you may feel that it's a sign of weakness, or that you are 'losing your mind'. 

These fears are often reinforced by the negative (and often unrealistic) way that people experiencing mental health problems are shown on TV, in films and by the media. This may stop you from talking about your problems, or seeking help. This, in turn, is likely to increase your distress and sense of isolation. 

However, in reality, mental health problems are a common human experience.
Most people know someone who has experienced a mental health problem. They can happen to all kinds of people from all walks of life. And it's likely that, when you find a combination of self-care, treatment and support that works for you, you will get better. " (https://www.mind.org.uk)

I have never really stopped to consider checking if I may have mental health issues and I am pretty sure that 99% of the people out there have had the same attitude towards the issue because most of us think just because we are in gainful employment or running a successful business and fit in the social and public definition of success or contentment we are therefore very normal beings.

The truth is most of us live a lie in that we are in most times disconnected from our own realities and actually live imagined realities that we want those around us to view in good light. Perhaps the very reason most of us would never think about nor associate ourselves with issues related to mental health. In Africa the mere mention of the reference is a very sensitive subject as it can easily stigmatise ones personal image amongst their close circle of associates.

I guess migrating to more tolerant societies and perhaps more developed in terms of understanding mental health issues has in a way helped me appreciate the challenges many face in terms of living with mental health issues. On reflection I can see that our family background and experiences may have actually triggered some of the symptoms associated to mental health issues, but because of pride and the general African perception which frowns on individuals identified with mental health issues in our vernacular languages they would say "uyahlanya" or "anopenga". These are usually very strong references that usually tend to have a much stronger meaning of being "mad", basically meaning someone has lost total control of their mental compass.

I think my return to Zimbabwe in 2018 put me in a situation where my mental wellbeing was tested and triggered to a certain extent. There were many times where I would ask myself why should I try and adjust to what had become a very confusing life caused by factors that were just beyond my immediate control. I would tell myself that this is all part of the struggle to get things right in Zimbabwe and try find solace from the courageous stance I was taking in joining many in trying to make things work (normalise the abnormal) in the very complex socio-economic and political environment. I would tell myself that if others can survive under the same conditions why should I fail to also embrace the conditions, not realising that most had no other options to move away from the hostile environment like I did.

I guess I would consider myself as a self-care patient. I think my mental health has not started with my return to Zimbabwe but possible from the time my late father was President and we as children had to adjust our behaviour as children to emulate those of staff members, official's and members of the public in terms of having that fear respect for our dad rather than having a love respect for a fatherly figure who was not just a head of state but head of our family. As a child of a prominent public figure one's child freedoms were also limited as 'behaving' in any childish way that would attract criticism towards the image of President was something that was made very clear in terms of what was expected of us in terms of how we behaved.

Living Statehouse and beginning to work amongst members from the general public also brought it's own psychological challenges as naturally people expected that the son of a President or former President would have certain privileges and command a certain kind of life style. Our late father believed that doing us any favours in terms of requesting certain privileges be accorded to us in his capacity as President or former President would bring his image and name to disrepute and be viewed as abuse of power and position.

All that played into our mental well-being as children of a former Head of State as we were unable to live up-to the expectations from members of the general public, obviously oblivious of the fact that we did not have to live up to anyone's expectations. As a result we often form our meagre salaries lived beyond our means in order to try and live up to those expectations and create an image with status labels. I left Zimbabwe to live and work in South Africa in my quest to live a life away from the status image and reference of being the son of a former President whom the ordinary people had high expectations of which I could not live up to as in reality I never had any resources to live up to their wishes.

It was as if we were expected to live a life style like the Royal family where we could be involved in public projects sponsored by tax payers money. All that I am sure not only played into my conscience but also that of my siblings. So what exactly have I just narrated? Well we all suffer from a bout of madness in our lives and one of the best ways to deal with mental illness is to be open about the issues that affect your way of life to those that you can confide in. Obviously not everyone close to your circles has your best interests at heart but remaining silent on some of those very personal isles can be counter productive and affect your heath and life style.

“What mental health needs is more sunlight, more candor, and more unashamed conversation.” – Glenn Close.